Category National Security Policy

North Korea And The U.S. Navy

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un inspects what is said to be a hydrogen bomb. [EPA]

This past week has seen some extraordinary events in the stand-off between North Korea, and it seems the rest of the world. North Korea continues to test its nuclear weapons, causing a 6.3 magnitude earthquake. Evaluation of these events does indicate the strength of the weaponry used, however, some doubt exists as to the veracity claims of the technology used.

The force of the explosion, at 100-150 kilotons, could have been ten times bigger than North Korea’s previous test. But experts argue that is still not quite powerful enough to have been a genuine hydrogen bomb. Instead, they suggest it might have been an implosion device boosted by tritium and deuterium gas (hydrogen isotopes). If that was the case, making the device small enough to be turned into a warhead that could be carried on an ICBM would be technically difficult. On the other hand, if it turns out to have been a two-stage device, in which an initial blast is used to amplify the main detonation, then it probably was a small thermonuclear bomb, which could be miniaturised into a compact warhead. There is as yet no way of knowing which it was. Although experts are sceptical about the latter, they have been caught out often enough by North Korea’s nuclear programme advancing faster than most expected.

The United States has had several voices of response, including Defense Secretary James Matthis, who said “We are not looking to the total annihilation of a country, namely North Korea. But as I said, we have many options to do so.” Diplomatically, both China and Russia claim they are united against the nuclearisation of the Korean peninsula. Meanwhile, the U.S. has called for an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council, saying that North Korea is “begging for war.” China has apparently made the suggestion that the U.S. and South Korea cease military exercises in exchange for freezing missile and nuclear operations by North Korea. The U.S. demands the “strongest possible measures” be put into effect.

The previous post gives a link to a detailed chronology of North Korean ballistic missile developments. It has been a problem decades in the making, and not easily solved. Other posts have addressed the defenses that the U.S. and Japan have against a threatened strike on Guam, and also the different layers of defense that exist between a potential North Korean missile strike and his many potential targets.

One of these layers is of particular interest, the component provided by the U.S. Navy (USN), specifically the Arleigh Burke class destroyers, equipped with the AN/SPY-1D radar, and carrying the RIM-161 Standard Missile 3 (SM3), and this part of the Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (Aegis BMD). The name Aegis is taken from ancient Greece, a shield carried by Zeus and Athena, and said to “produce a sound as from a myriad roaring dragons.” (Iliad, 4.17) This is intended to invoke a strong defense, and has been effectively branded as such by Lockheed Martin, the manufacturer. Lockheed continues to sell Aegis technology to the USN under the Aegis BMD program, and also to Japan under the Aegis Ashore banner. The powerful Aegis radars were first fielded on Ticonderoga class cruisers, authorized in 1978, built from 1980, and commissioned from 1983. Their targets were Soviet anti-ship cruise missiles and bombers that would hunt USN carrier battle groups during the Cold War.

This technology has evolved since then to offer some defense from ballistic missiles; per the Congressional Research Service, Aegis BMD

enables warships to shoot down enemy ballistic missiles … Aegis BMD-equipped vessels can transmit their target detection information to the Ground-Based Midcourse Defense system and, if needed, engage potential threats using the RIM-161 Standard Missile 3 (SM-3) mid-course interceptors and the RIM-156 Standard Missile 2 Extended Range Block IV (SM-2 Block IV) or RIM-174 Standard Extended Range Active Missile (SM-6) terminal-phase interceptors. Aegis BMD does not have the ability to intercept ICBMs, although future versions may allow limited intercept capability.  [Emphasis added]

As retired F-35 and F-22 pilot Lt. Col. Berke so accurately noted before, information is the most precious commodity. The capability to detect a missile launch from the Sea of Japan, and transmit that through a secure network at the speed of light to every other component of the BMD network is the first and crucial step in the kill chain that hopefully results in a shoot down of each and every North Korean missile fired in anger, or even off-target. I would argue that the U.S. use the United Nations as a forum to define the parameters for any possible North Korean missile launch that should be intercepted with allied BMD assets If, for example, a North Korean missile looks likely to hit close to Tokyo, based upon the trajectory identified by Aegis ships at sea, then BMD should shoot it down. By making our rules of engagement public, this would provide a clear signal to China and Russia that the U.S. and its allies intend to use their BMD capabilities (and potentially learn from any failures) against live enemy missiles, but also temper the risk of escalation into any further missile volleys between any parties.

The U.S.S. John S. McCain after collision with a commercial tanker. [EPA]

Recently, however, the credibility of U.S. BMD deterrence has taken a large step backward due to self-inflicted wounds.  It is related to the concept of friction, as reported in this blog.  We can see the effects of friction on the U.S. Navy’s safety and navigation incidents, which have unfortunately cost of the lives of seventeen seamen, more injured, and perhaps some loss of prestige.

  • U.S.S. John S. McCain (DDG-56) collides with Alnic MC, a Liberian-flagged oil tanker of 30,040 gross tons, on [2017-08-21 05:24] east of the Straight of Malacca. (wikipedia), NavyTimes.
  • U.S.S. Fitzgerald (DDG-62) of 9000 gross tons collides with MV ACX Crystal, a Phillipines-flagged container of 29,060 gross tons.

As noted here, an interesting comparison is with a Russian naval vessel and its collision with a commercial ship in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, on 27 April, close to the busy sea lanes of the Bosporus. Warships don’t transmit an Automatic Identification System (AIS) signal, so the ship is not visible for AIS-connected shipping; however, it would be visible on radar within a certain range, as an unidentified object. Also, warships, in accordance with wide-spread practices, are not predictable in their movements, including speed and course.

As The Economist reports, in a critique of the USN

Critics argue that the 277-ship naval fleet is already overstretched, particularly in the Western Pacific, where naval competition with an increasingly capable China requires a high tempo of operations. The John S.McCain was on its way to Singapore after a “freedom of navigation” mission during which it had sailed through international waters near a reef where China has created an artificial island. The Chinese media have been cock-a-hoop over pictures of American warships limping into port with apparently self-inflicted damage.

The spate of accidents has raised questions about whether they are in some way linked to a common cause. Inevitably, there has been speculation that hacking of the ships’ computers or navigation systems by the Chinese or North Koreans might be responsible. The navy says it has seen nothing that suggests this might have happened.

It is far more likely that unrelenting operational demands on forward-deployed vessels and several years of Pentagon spending distorted by budget caps and sequestration have taken their toll. A report by the Government Accountability Office in 2015 found that the Navy was working on the basis that its Japan-based cruisers and destroyers would spend 67% of their time deployed and 33% in maintenance. That meant there would be no time left for training. Without training drills to remind sailors of the “basic seamanship” referred to by Admiral Richardson, it would not be surprising if some bad habits and sloppiness have crept in. [emphasis added]

Also, here is a great video, showing replay data, based on the Automatic Identification System (AIS) data source:

Aegis, THAAD, Patriots and GBI

Don’t want to steal Shawn’s thunder as he is working up an article on THAAD, but this is a nice little graphic showing the defense of the area: U.S. can Intercept North Korean ICBMs with 36 Deployed Interceptors

We do have THAADs deployed in Hawaii, Guam, South Korea and Alaska (the map does not show them in Hawaii, South Korea nor Alaska). The U.S. Army has five THAAD batteries that are part of the 11th Air Defense Artillery Brigade.

There are only 4 GBI’s (ground based interceptors) in Vandenberg. There is some question over the ability of a THAAD to intercept an ICBM (vice an IRBM), but we will let Shawn discuss that. Not sure how many Aegis systems we have in the area, but as they are sea based, it could several and they can move. Again, not sure about their ability to intercept an ICBM (Intercontinental Ballistic Missile vice the much smaller IRBM, Intermediate Range Ballistic Missile). Korea is currently threatening Guam with four IRBMs. They most likely do not yet have a nuclear warhead with a working ballistic vehicle (BV) connected to an ICBM, but may be less than a year away from this capability.

U.S. And China: Deterrence And Resolve Over North Korea

U.S. B-1 bombers overfly Korean Peninsula after North’s ICBM test, June 20th, 2017. [picture-alliance/AP Photo/Lee Jin-man]

While North Korea tests its inter-continental ballistic missiles (ICBM)s, the U.S. and China demonstrate their capabilities and resolve to use force, both nuclear and conventional. These shows of force seem to be ratcheting up, as the North Korean tests occur more frequently.  Flights of bombers and naval exercises are also complemented by words, sometimes quite strong words, such as those by the U.S. Pacific Fleet Commander, Admiral Scott Smith, who while speaking at the Australian National University’s security conference in late July, said,

Every member of the U.S. military has sworn an oath to defend the constitution of the United States against all enemies foreign and domestic and to obey the officers and the president of the United States as commander and chief appointed over us.

Asked by an academic in the audience whether he would make a nuclear attack on China next week if President Trump ordered it, Swift replied: “The answer would be: yes.”  These words are then reported in the press as “US admiral would ‘nuke China next week’ if Trump ordered it.” (South China Morning Post)  That kind of bombast is sensational, and intended to draw in readers. The reality of nuclear deterrence is that it has to be credible, meaning that the target nation must believe that nuclear weapons would be used if a certain line is crossed. This may make uncomfortable reading today, as Cold War memories are fading, but it has been reality since 1945.

[Photo deleted at the request of AFP]

China, meanwhile, has staged two different naval exercises in the Yellow Sea, likely organized to mark the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) 90th Anniversary on August 1st, 2017. It is ironic that naval exercises celebrate the Army’s anniversary, and that concurrently the PLA is shrinking relative to the Chinese Navy and Air Force. The PLA Army will likely take the brunt of the reduction, and the PLA Navy and Air Force are expected to increase in size,” according to Dr. David Finkelstein of the Center for Naval Analysis. Both the Navy, officially the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) and the Air Force, officially the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) are nominally part of the PLA.

It is also ironic that these naval exercises will close a portion of the maritime commons to commercial traffic, also known as Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC), articulated by Alfred Thayer Mahan, of the U.S. Naval War College.

The PLA Navy’s North Sea Fleet and the Shandong Maritime Safety Administration announced in the past two days that the central part of the Yellow Sea would be cordoned off to all marine traffic from Thursday for military purposes. An area of about 40,000 square kilometres off the coastal city of Qingdao, where the North Sea Fleet is headquartered, was expected to be affected by the drill, which would involve live ammunition, Weihai Evening Post reported on Wednesday. [Korea Times]

A US Marine Corps F-35B Lightning II VFMA 121 refuels using a KC-130J Hercules with VMGR 152 during Aviation Delivered Ground Refueling training at MCAS Iwakuni, Japan, on 11 April. The technique will increase the STOVL fighter’s ability to refuel in austere locations when other resources may not be available. [USMC]

The US Marine Corps (USMC) has deployed the F-35B to their forward operating base in Iwakuni Japan, and continues to innovate with their doctrine and Concepts Of Operation (CONOPS), as previously reported in this blog. This stealth strike fighter capability, on the relative doorstep of North Korea, and also relatively difficult to reprisal strikes from North Korea, seems to be one of the strongest deterrent forces.

More to follow on the on-going F-35 debate, as retired Marine Lt. Col. David Berke (also previously quoted in this blog), and Pierre Sprey go head to head on the topic in an Aviation Week podcast.

Largest Armed Forces in the World

Just a listing by strength of active duty personnel (Army, Navy and Air Force). U.S. and some of its allies are in bold. Allies = countries we are obligated to defend by treaty or law (Taiwan), a total of 48 (in bold are the 27 NATO members, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Philippines and Australia), including 16 Latin American nations in the Rio pact (but not placed in bold):

  1. China: 2,233,000
  2. United States: 1,492,200
  3. India: 1,325,000
  4. North Korea: 1,190,000
  5. Russia: 845,000
  6. Pakistan: 643,800
  7. South Korea: 630,000
  8. Iran: 523,000
  9. Algeria: 520,000
  10. Turkey: 510,600
  11. Vietnam: 482,000
  12. Colombia: 466,713
  13. Egypt: 438,500
  14. Burma: 406,000
  15. Indonesia: 395,500
  16. Thailand: 360,850
  17. Brazil: 318,480
  18. Taiwan: 290,000
  19. Sri Lanka: 276,700
  20. Iraq: 271,500
  21. Mexico: 270,250
  22. Ukraine: 250,000
  23. Japan: 247,150
  24. Sudan: 244,300
  25. Saudi Arabia: 233,500
  26. France: 222,200
  27. South Sudan: 210,000
  28. Eritrea: 201,750
  29. Morocco: 195,800
  30. Germany: 186,450
  31. Afghanistan: 185,800
  32. Israel: 176,500
  33. Italy: 176,000
  34. United Kingdom: 169,150
  35. Canada: 166,000
  36. Bangladesh: 157,050
  37. Greece: 143,350
  38. Ethiopia: 138,000
  39. Spain: 134,900
  40. Democratic Republic of the Congo: 134,250
  41. Philippines: 125,000
  42. Syria: 125,000
  43. Cambodia: 124,300
  44. Peru: 115,000
  45. Venezuela: 115,000
  46. Malaysia: 109,000
  47. Angola: 107,000
  48. Jordan: 100,500
  49. Poland: 99,300
  50. Nepal: 95,750
  51. Nigeria: 80,000
  52. Argentina: 73,100
  53. Singapore: 72,500
  54. Romania: 71,400

……

61. Australia: 56,200
71. Portugal: 42,600
75. Netherlands: 37,400 
78. Bulgaria: 31,300
79. Belgium: 30,700
83. Hungary: 26,500
84: Norway: 25,800
88. Czech Republic: 23,650
97. Denmark: 17,200
98. Lithuania: 17,131
100. Slovakia: 15,850
107. Croatia: 14,506
108: Albania: 14,250
129: New Zealand: 8,550 (U.S. suspended obligations in 1986)
133. Slovenia: 7,600
138. Estonia: 5,750
140: Latvia: 5,310
161: Luxembourg: 900
167+: Iceland: 0

Rio Pact includes Argentina, Bahamas, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay and of course, the United States.

This listing is drawn from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_number_of_military_and_paramilitary_personnel

It is based upon the 2014 edition of “The Military Balance” by IISS.

They also have a number of other lists…if that is your thing:

The Challenge of Getting to a 350-Ship Fleet

This article, while a little more political than I prefer, does nicely address the reasons why building up to a 350-355 ship navy is going to be a challenge: Trumps-navy-is-already-sunk

The main points are:

  1. Current fleet is 275 warships
  2. The proposed DOD budget for FY2018 is $603, which is only $18 million over the previous administration’s projected budget.
  3. Proposed budget only asks for 8 new ships, which is been the build rate for a while.
  4. The fleet is on track to expand to 308-310 ships.
  5. Previous ship-building account was $15 billion annually. This is on track for a 308-310 ship fleet.
  6. To grow the fleet to 350-355 ships would require a budget of $27 billion annually (and I assume increased costs for operation and maintenance also).
  7. I assume this would take around eight years or more of increased building at these increased costs (so at least $90 billion more total).
  8. The U.S. industrial base is sized to build 6-9 warships a year, the rate would have to increase to 12-15 warships a year for a 350-355 ship fleet.
  9. Article concludes that a 350-355 ship fleet is not going to happen (it will be at 308-310 ships) and notes that no naval production increase was in the proposed 2018 budget.

 

Oh Well

Mark Green has been nominated as Secretary of the Army: army-secretary-pick

Here is his Wikipedia bio: Mark_Green_(politician)

West Point class of 1986. Platoon and Company commander, then went to medical school becoming a doctor. Was a flight surgeon in special operations. Served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Was the doctor who first sat with and interviewed Saddam Hussein when he was captured. Wrote a book about it: night-saddam-Mark-Green-md

Left service in 2006 after 20 years. Founded a medical company. Elected to the Tennessee Senate in 2012.

I guess we will have to see how the third nominee for Secretary of the Army fares.

mark-green-trump-army-secretary-withdraws

10% Part II

With the budget resolution voted in by congress that runs until the September of this year (end of the fiscal year), I gather the defense budget is the Obama proposed 2017 defense budget plus $15 billion (which is half of the additional budget that Trump requested for 2017)….so total budget of around $583 (2017 request) or $596 (actually spent) + $15 billion: https://www.yahoo.com/finance/news/lawmakers-common-ground-1t-plan-201456675.html

Also see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_budget_of_the_United_States

The big increase will have to wait for the FY 2018 budget, proposed to be $639 billion (I gather, although the figure $603 was put out when Trump first announced his 10% increase). Of course, they did not fully sort out the FY2017 budget until five months before fiscal year 2017 ended, so I am not giving much of chance that they will get the FY 2018 budget sorted out before the start of the next fiscal year (this coming October), as I gather there a few controversial expenditures and cuts in the next government budget. So defense spending will remain fairly level for some months to come.

P.S.: The 15 billion increase is an additional 12.5 billion  for this fiscal year (ends Sept. 30) and “…an additional $2.5 billion contingent on Trump delivering a plan to Congress for defeating the Islamic State militant group.” This last part seems a little odd: http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2017/0501/To-avoid-government-shutdown-negotiators-reach-deal-on-1-trillion-budget

Re-Making the NSC

Well, it looks like the National Security Council has been re-structured in the first three months of the administration, with the original head Flynn replaced by H.R. McMaster, Steve Bannon removed from it, the Chairmen of the JCS and Director of National Intelligence invited back,  and Deputy National Security Advisor K.T. McFarland “promoted” to ambassador to Singapore. Dina Powell remains as the Deputy National Security Advisor for Strategy. This is a wholesale change in the first three months of the administration. It is still lacking the traditional highly experienced foreign policy scholar or professional in the mode of a Kissinger, Brzezinski, or Scowcroft. McMaster’s reputation was as a combat commander, not a foreign policy expert.

My old post on the subject was: https://dupuyinstitute.org/2016/12/15/what-is-missing/

I tend to have a bias towards experienced professionals running government agencies.