Category Amphibious Warfare

Article on potential landing sites

This article came across my desk yesterday, and it does confirm or reinforce several points I have been making in last few blog posts: Will Trump Order U.S. Ground Troops to Invade Iran?

If fact, it so closely parallels what I have been saying that I wonder if they were reading my blog. This has happened before with other publications. That they list out the five landing ships and list the landing locales in the same order as I list them makes me suspicious. Could be just great minds thinking alike.

Anyhow, they did add a factoid that differed from my discussion, in that they had the airborne brigade with only two battalions (vice 3) They also left out the 10th Mountain Division, which we know has some presence in the Middle East.

My blog posts:

  1. Isfaran – The Dupuy Institute
  2. Kharg Island – The Dupuy Institute
  3. Qeshm Island and the Straits of Hormuz – The Dupuy Institute
  4. Larak and Abu Musa – The Dupuy Institute

 

Larak and Abu Musa

War teaches geography. Two islands in the Strait of Hormuz mentioned as possible landing sites are Larak and Abu Musa along with some immediate surrounding islands.

Karak is right next to Qeshm and Hormuz Island (see our previous post). It is only a few miles from each of them, and only 24 miles (39 kilometers) from Oman, on the other side of the straight. It is possible to seize and hold Larak and leave Qeshm in Iranian hands, but not sure how this does not generate some U.S. casualties. Of course, one can make the same argument for seizing Qeshm and not seizing the Iranian mainland areas a mile or so away from it. The problem is that all these islands are within mortar range of each other and mainland Iran. I gather Iran has 3,000+ mortars, a very annoying weapon that seems to have been forgotten about amid all the discussion of higher-tech rockets, missiles and drones. 

Karak island is 19 square miles (49 square kilometers). This is like a little over a quarter of D.C. (28%). It is 266 feet tall (81 meters). All these islands are rough with considerable elevation (which does not make things easier).  There are two villages on the island, the largest of 466 people. There is a nice collection of coral reefs off the island. 

 

I gather it has a military base on the island loaded with surface-to-surface missiles in addition to serving as an oil terminal. Two ships were sunk there in 1988. The Iranian Vosper-class frigate Sahand was sunk by the U.S. Navy in 200-meter-deep waters southwest of Larak Island. 45 crew were killed. The Liberian supertanker Seawise Giant was seriously damaged and set on fire by Iraqi antiship missiles while anchored off the coast of Larak Island (see Seawise Giant after the air attack for photos).

 

The other island in discussion is Abu Musa and its surrounding islands. It is even smaller and is disputed between Iran and UEA. So the U.S. could seize the islands and hand them over to UAE. It is inside the gulf just outside of the Strait of Hormuz. It is just south of the deep water shipping lanes that go to and from the strait.

 

It is 4.9 square miles (12.8 square kilometers). It is 43 miles (70 kilometers) from the Iranian mainland and 37 miles (59 kilometers) from the UAE mainland. The highest point is the 360 foot (110 meter) Mount Halva. The town of Abu Musa has a population of 1,953 and the entire island has a population of 2,131 (2012). 

Looks like elements of the 82nd Airborne Division are heading to the Gulf

Well, it looks like elements of the headquarters and the entire 1st Brigade of the 82nd Airborne Division is heading to the Gulf. See: Pentagon confirms elements from the 82nd Airborne Division to deploy to the Middle East

This adds three more maneuver battalions to the six slated to be in the area in a couple of weeks. Supposedly, the brigade can be moved there in 18 hours.  They probably won’t get there that fast but might get there before the 11th MEU (see my Kharg post on that). 

Hard to envision that you would move parts of the 82nd Airborne Division if you were not going to do something. It appears the three options are 1) Kharg, 2) Isfaran and 3) Qeshm, with Kharg the most likely option for deployment. Might be just an attempt to provide more pressure on Iran in negotiations.

I also note articles like this one: Trump on brink of ground invasion in Iran as Saudi strongman makes astonishing pitch in secret call. Have no idea if there is any validity to the article.

I will avoid for now pontificating, or more aptly, speculating as to what will be done and how it will work. There is a point when you should not say more than what you actually know.

A few relevant links:

Kharg Island – The Dupuy Institute

Isfaran – The Dupuy Institute

Qeshm Island and the Straits of Hormuz – The Dupuy Institute

Qeshm Island and the Straits of Hormuz

The Straits of Hormuz is dotted with islands. The largest is Qeshm. Is it expected that if the U.S. is going to conduct land operations against Iran it will either be at Kharg, Isfaran or at Qeshm and possibly Hormuz Island and other islands in the Strait.

The Straits of Hormuz is 104 miles long (167 kilometers) with a width that varies from 24 mils 929 kilometers) to 60 miles (97 kilometers). It is bordered in the north by Iran and in the south by the UAE and Oman (Musandam Peninsula).  

Qeshm is by far the largest island in the strait. While there is a considerable doubt about the value of occupying this island, it has certainly been discussed. 

 

The island itself is 576 square miles (1,500 square kilometers). In comparison, Fairfax Country VA is 406 square miles (1,050 square kilometers). The country of Bahrain is 304 square miles (787 square kilometers). It is 84 miles long (135 kilometers) and between 5.8 (9.4 kilometers) and 25 miles (40 kilometers) wide. It is within 1 mile (1.6 kilometers) of the Iranian mainland. There is no bridge connecting the island to the mainland. 

The island as of 2016 has a population of 148,993 in at least 59 villages and towns. The largest town is Qeshm (40,678).  The existence of this large population would create complications for any U.S. ground operations.

It did have an earthquake just off shore in 2005 of Magnitude 6.0 that killed 13.

In 1622 English navigator William Baffin (of Baffin Bay and Baffin Island) was mortally wounded there fighting the Portuguese. One English bible editor has posited that this was where the Garden of Edin was located. It is pretty dry now.

A few interesting links: Inside Qeshm, Iran’s underground missile fortress and geological marvel | US-Israel war on Iran | Al Jazeera and Qeshm Island.

Another island in the strait is Hormuz Island. It is much smaller, being 16 square miles (42 square kilometers) and 610 feet (186 meters) in height. It is 5 miles (8 kilometers) off the Iranian coast and within sight of Qeshm. It has a population of around 6,000. This 2025 travel video is worth watching: 10 BEST Things to do on Hormuz Island in Iran 🇮🇷

Anyhow, for a variety of reasons, I do not think the U.S. is going to do ground operations at Qeshm or Hormuz Island, but one never knows.

Kharg Island

Kharg Island is in the news a lot, so let’s talk about it. It is the primary shipping hub for Iranian oil located near the northeast end of the Gulf. It is 107 miles (172 kilometers) from Iraq. Just to state the obvious, it is no where near the straits of Hormuz (it is 410 miles, 660 kilometers, away from them).

 

The island can actually be seen on this map near Iran, opposite of Kuwait. If I had a graphics person, we would add a red dot to the map.

It is a coral outcrop some 16-17 miles (25-28 kilometers) off the coast of Iran. It is 5 miles long (8 kilometers) and 2.5 to 3 miles wide (4-5 kilometers). The highest elevation is 230 feet (70 meters). It has its own supply of fresh water and the waters around it are deep. There are a number of nearby offshore oil fields that are piped directly to the island. It is the sea port for the export of 90% of Iran’s oil products. It has the ability to store up to 30 million barrels of oil. It has a population for 8,193 as of 2016, It is the home of several archaeological sites, including a Christian monastery.

 

Now, the U.S. is assembling forces. On the way to the Gulf is the 31st MEU (based in Okinawa), which will be arriving maybe later this week. It is based round the amphibious assault ship USS Tripoli (LHA-7). These are small carriers. Along with it is the USS New Orleans (LPD-18). See: UPDATED: Tripoli ARG, 31st MEU Transit Malacca Strait En Route to the Middle East – USNI News.

Being sent there from the west coast is the 11th MEU, based out of Camp Pendelton CA, along with the USS Boxer (LHD-4), USS Comstock (LSD-45) and USS Portland (LPD-27). It will take three weeks or longer to arrive.

A Marine Expeditionary Unit is a brigade size force of 2,200 that includes command elements, a reinforced infantry battalion, a composite helicopter squadron and a logistics combat element. It can land a reinforced battalion. The U.S. has 7 MEU’s. Two are soon expected to be in the gulf region. Besides landing these MEU’s, the Marine Corps does not have any independent capability to conduct an opposed landing of a brigade-size force or larger. See: Marine Expeditionary Unit – Wikipedia

It is close enough to Iraq that forces could be inserted by helicopter directly from there or from a number of other spots in the Persian Gulf. If operations were done against Kharg, it would probably be an air assault vice an amphibious operation, even though certainly Marines would be involved. I gather there are some army assets in the region including the 2nd Brigade, 10th Mountain Division, and the 2nd Battalion of the 127th Infantry Regiment (Wisconsin National Guard). I assume they are both located in Iraq and Syria. (See:10th Mountain brigade to deploy to Middle East, Army says | Stars and Stripes and Army’s 10th Mountain Division gets orders to deploy to Middle East ). This provides four additional maneuver battalions. Additional army assets are being sent to the gulf, including helicopters. There are rumors that one brigade of the 82nd Airborne Division might also be sent.

So potentially in three weeks are so we will have six maneuver battalions available for operations in either Kharg, Isfaran (see: Isfaran – The Dupuy Institute) or Qeshm or other islands in the Straits of Hormuz.

“Floating Fortresses – American Carriers’ Extraordinary Resilience to Battle Damage”

One of the presenters at our last two HAACs and a Dupuy Institute fellow has just published an article in the Naval War College Review. It is called “Floating Fortresses – American’s Carriers’ Extraordinary Resilience to Battle Damage” by Walker Gargagliano. This was spurred on by a conversation at Rangos (my usual hang-out) over claimed carrier losses in an analysis of potential losses in a Taiwan scenario. It was presented at our last conference and is now a published piece.

The article is here: “Floating Fortresses—American Carriers’ Extraordinary Resilience to Bat” by Walker Gargagliano

Abstract

On the basis of Cold War–era munitions accidents and World War II combat experience, U.S. carriers of today are far more resistant to battle damage than commonly believed.

 

The announcement for the Fifth HAAC is here:  Fifth HAAC is Scheduled for 20 – 22 October 2026 – The Dupuy Institute

We are scheduling presentations. If you are interested, please email me at LawrenceTDI@aol.com

Chinese RoRo ferries and Amphibious Vehicles

Another blog post from Geoffrey Clark addressing details of amphibious possibilities for an invasion of Taiwan. These discussions are not coordinated, but it is a nice supplemental piece to my blog post: The RoRo Ships – The Dupuy Institute. The bolding in the text below is mine.

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Title: Chinese RoRo ferries and Amphibious Vehicles

Vehicles

The Chinese PLA has long considered the use of civilian vessels to augment their “PLAN-proper” amphibious ships and craft. In military exercises in 2020 and 2021, this became more apparent, as they demonstrated some of their concepts of operations.

The previous posts on this blog have shown some if the limitations to these concepts. There are three distinct methods to use these ships as amphibious lift:

  1. Capture a working port, so vehicles can simply drive off on to a pier. This is how these vessels operate in peacetime, and this requires both the pier facility, as well as a very permissive environment, which we can assume would be challenged in wartime unless the Chinese can well establish sea and air control to a high degree, and at a distance of hundreds of kilometers to avoid the impact of long-range Anti-Ship Cruise Missiles (ASCM) on a very large and easy target of a docked civilian ferry.
  2. Use the floating causeway that they demonstrated in their exercises in 2021. The ferries would unload vehicles away from the shore, which would then drive on these causeways to the beach. This is rather like the famous Mulberry harbors used by the Allies in the Normandy invasion, during which Allied sea control was absolute, and air dominance achieved. Yet, Mother Nature still managed to put the mulberries out of commission more than once. Given the Chinese engineering capabilities demonstrated with artificial island building in the South China Sea (as well as their prowess in heavy manufacturing in general), it seems the capability is within reach for them. The question again is can they sufficiently protect these structures from determined Allied attack?
  3. Use the reinforced rear ramps on these vessels to launch amphibious vehicles such as the ZTD-05, which would then “swim” to shore on their own. The idea is to do this at a significant range from shore, perhaps at least 25-30 nautical miles (nmi), and perhaps greater. The ZTD-05 is said to have a swimming speed of about 30 knots, so this might take about one hour to cross the distance. The ferry would be less exposed to Allied fire, trying to stay away from the radar horizon, however these vessels are large, they sit out of the water at a significant height, meaning the radar horizon, along with other variables, like radar ducting, over-the-horizon (OTH) capabilities, or any kind of aerial or space-based platform would see these vessels fairly easily. And, as previously stated on the blog, the movement away from their highly regular civilian operations would arouse suspicion about military purposes. Other surprise operations have been successful, such as the Egyptian crossing of the Suez Canal in 1973, so we can never say never … but the bar seems pretty high.

The idea, it seems, might be to conduct these ferry operations in a defended environment… If through a combination of local sea control, local air superiority, and defended by many of the capable anti-air warfare (AAW) destroyers, frigates and/or corvettes that the PLAN is fielding in every increasing numbers … perhaps the Chinese feel there will be a right time in their war plan to risk this type of operation.

As the aptly named “Chinese Ferry Tales” report number 16 from the China Maritime Studies Institute (CMSI) concludes:

Notwithstanding these developments, this report concludes that as of 2021, China’s merchant fleet is unable to provide the amphibious landing capabilities or the maritime logistics in austere or challenging environments necessary to have a significant impact in an amphibious landing operation on Taiwan.

Additional points of note from the same report:

  • As of 2021, the PLA and its reserve civilian merchant fleet are probably unable to provide significant amphibious landing capabilities or the maritime logistics in austere or challenging environments necessary to support a large-scale, cross-strait invasion of Taiwan.
  • The PLA’s use of civilian shipping in amphibious exercises appears to be limited to select ships demonstrating nascent capabilities, but not the capacities necessary to support a cross-strait invasion. However, capacities could increase rapidly after initial capabilities are formally adopted and exercise participation expands to a larger number of civilian ships.
  • 2020-2021 exercise events appeared to be scripted and focused on establishing procedures and coordination among military units and civilian components.
  • The 2020 JLSF exercise featured experimentation with a number of novel logistics capabilities that have been slow to develop and have likely not yet matured probably due to a lack of investment. In a possible change in that trend, 2021 activity saw the introduction of the first new amphibious landing technologies in over fifteen years.
  • In most cases, civilian shipping support to amphibious exercises was provided during daylight hours; events were timed for when tides and weather conditions were favorable; many evolutions took place in the sheltered waters of an inner harbor.
  • In the 2020 JLSF exercise, there was no evidence of simulated combat conditions during the exercise; no defensive actions (e.g. convoying, escorting, evasion or diversion) were observed. In the 2021 amphibious landing exercises, civilian ferries appeared to be deployed and positioned to mitigate potential threats to these vulnerable ships.
  • These 2020-2021 exercises likely provide a baseline for the PLA’s use of civilian shipping to support large-scale amphibious logistics and provide a roadmap for the types of capabilities and capacities the PLA may need for future operations.

From CimSec, estimates of the capacity of these ferries:

With … spatial limitations in mind, a conservative estimate of the total capacity of the ships identified in this article adds on capacity sufficient for half the PLA army’s primary amphibious combat forces (12 amphibious combined arms battalions). This places one battalion on each vessel, with room for additional supporting elements from their respective brigades. Depending on internal space constraints, vessels like the Pu Tuo Dao could probably deliver a single battalion, while some of the larger vessels could likely carry up to two battalions if the PLA accepts the risk.

The text below is part of an interview and Congressional testimony by Thomas H. Shugart, Adjunct Senior Fellow, Defense Program at the Center for a New American Security.

Will China close its gap in sealift capacity? While some may take comfort that China may appear to lack sufficient amphibious lift to conduct a cross-Strait invasion, for example, this is not a factor upon which our allies’ and partners’ defense should rest, as China may be able to close this gap faster than may be commonly understood.

The above is what Shugart said in testimony before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 2021-03-17 …

China would well be able to utilize commercial shipping such as roll-on/roll-off (Ro-Ro) ferries. The Bohai Ferry Group, the major ferry operator in the Bohai Gulf, for example, operates eleven Ro-Ro ferries. These actually form the Eighth Transport Dadui of the strategic projection support ship fleet. Each vessel displaces around 20,000 tons and can carry 200 vehicles plus 1,280 passengers. Bohai also operates larger 35,000-ton ferries able to carry 300 vehicles and 2,038 passengers. Of its commercial fleet, the group constructed seven large Ro-Ro specifically to national defense specifications, allowing them to be commandeered for military operations. These ferries have been used more than 40 times in military exercises to date. Indeed, the Bohai Ferry Group’s capacity to move vehicles has multiplied 100 times over the past 20 years. By way of example, it appeared a mobilization and amphibious exercise was held off the coast of Guangdong Province in mid-July, involving the 2nd Combined Arms Brigade of the 71st Group Army, as well as the 6th Brigade of the PLAN Marine Corps (PLANMC).They were using two large vessels plus other cargo vessels near Rizhao port, southwest of Hong Kong, where there are sandy beaches of an amphibious training area. Shugart claimed these Ro-Ro ferries (the 33,000-ton Bo Hai Ma Zhu and 16,000-ton Hu Lu Dao, would normally be plying waters 1,000 miles away in the Yellow Sea.

He concluded, “My guess: the PLA’s efforts to integrate China’s world-class merchant marine into its amphibious assault forces continue. If successful, this could potentially increase its cross-Strait Taiwan sealift capacity immensely, removing one of the major obstacles to invasion of Taiwan.

The American also noted rather ominously: “…We would be wise to assume that China will bring all of its tools of maritime power to bear in ensuring success in a regional conflict, including the use of the China Coast Guard, the world’s largest such force; and its fishing fleet, specifically in the form of the People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM). In something like the form of a reverse-Dunkirk, we should expect that instead of only dealing with dozens of gray-painted PLA Navy amphibious vessels and their escorts, we would likely see an effort supported by many hundreds of fishing boats, merchant ships and Coast Guard and Maritime Safety Administration vessels.”

As seen above, the use of effective amphibious vehicles greatly improves the flexibility of how these ferries can be used in a military sense; the reduced dependence on fixed structures like piers or floating causeways permits additional operational options. This is possible through the investment that the PLA has made in amphibious armored vehicles, Type 05 amphibious vehicles:

China publicly unveiled the world’s fastest amphibious armored vehicle, the Type-05, in late 2009, with reports of its water speed ranging between 27 and 45 kilometers per hour. This family of amphibious armored vehicles reportedly includes assault, infantry fighting, command, reconnaissance, medical, and obstacle-clearing variants, among others. Both the PLA Army (PLAA) and PLA Navy Marine Corps (PLANMC) use the Type-05, but the PLAA would very likely operate the majority of these amphibious armored vehicles during large-scale landing operations against Taiwan.

This chart, adapted from Wikipedia, shows all of the variants of the Type 05 vehicle family.

Family

Code

Alt

Export

 

Name (en)

Name (zh)

Description

Type 05

ZTD-05

ZLT-05

VN16

 

Amphibious Assault Vehicle

两栖突击车

The assault gun variant, armed with a ZPL98A 105mm low-recoil rifled gun, a 7.62mm coaxial machine gun, and QJC-88 12.7mm anti-aircraft machine gun. An improved variant, designated ZLT-05A, with upgraded computer system and digital terminals accessible for driver, gunner, and commander.

Type 05

ZBD-05

 

VN18

 

Amphibious Infantry Fighting Vehicle

两栖步兵战车

The infantry fighting vehicle variant, armed with a ZPT-99 30mm autocannon, a 7.62mm coaxial machine gun, and HJ-73C anti-tank missiles.

Type 05

ZSD-05

 

 

 

Amphibious Armored personnel carrier

两栖装甲人员输送车

The armored personnel carrier variant, armed with plate-protected 12.7mm heavy machine gun turret.

Type 05

 

 

 

 

Amphibious Armored Reconnaissance Vehicle

式两栖装甲侦察车

The Armoured reconnaissance variant, equipped with telescopic mast with electro-optical and infrared (EO/IR) system, a laser-range finder, and an X-band radar. The variant has 12.7 mm heavy machine gun turret for defense.

Type 05

 

 

 

 

Amphibious Armored Command Vehicle

式两栖装甲指挥车

The mobile command and control variant, equipped with field communication and battle management system.

Type 05

 

 

VS25

 

Amphibious Armored Recovery Vehicle

式两栖装甲抢救车

The armoured recovery vehicle variant, equipped with a crane, hydraulic winch for emergency vehicle recovery. Additional handrail is installed on the top for ease of operation in the water.

Type 05

GSL132

 

 

 

Assault Breach Vehicle

式两栖装甲破障车

The mine clearance assaults vehicle variants. It is equipped with mine plow, mine detection device, Clear Lane Marking system, 8 tube obstacle clearing rockets, and rocket-projected mine clearing line charge (MICLIC).

Type 05

 

 

 

 

Amphibious Armored Ambulance

式两栖装甲救护车

Armored ambulance variant based on Type 05 command vehicle chassis, providing frontline medical support and evacuation.[23] The armored ambulance features emergency ventilator, air conditioning, monitoring, and shock-absorbing double bunk beds.

 

According to Jane’s data from June 2023, the Type 05 Assault Gun type (ZTD-05) is operated by the PLAN at 350 vehicles and also operated by the PLA Army (PLAA) at 670 vehicles. The Type 05 Infantry Fighting Vehicle (ZBD-05) is operated by the PLAN at 152 vehicles and PLAA at 672 vehicles. It seems as though these quantities might not fill out their order of battle, deliveries are likely to continue, per the analysis below.

Despite the Chinese defense industry’s efforts to develop world-class amphibious armored vehicles, external factors may diminish the PLA’s ability to effectively use these vehicles in an invasion of Taiwan, including the PLAN’s sealift capacity, the weather conditions and sea state in the Taiwan Strait, and Taiwan’s geography, among others. For example, experts have assessed that the PLAN does not have enough landing ships to sufficiently support a cross-strait invasion. Estimates of the PLAN’s current fleet suggest that it is capable of generating enough sealift for around 670 ZTD-05 amphibious assault vehicles, which is nowhere near enough sealift for the number of amphibious armored vehicles operated by the PLAA’s six amphibious combined arms brigades under the 72nd, 73rd, and 74th group armies. As noted earlier in this report, the 48 amphibious assault gun companies and 48 amphibious mechanized infantry companies under these brigades are estimated to operate roughly 1,340 vehicles at full strength, not to mention the other amphibious armored vehicles present in these brigades and the PLANMC’s amphibious armored vehicles. PLAA coastal defense forces are expected to supplement the PLAN’s sealift with their landing craft, but these craft are reportedly “older, smaller, and slower” than PLAN vessels, and so experts have suggested that “watercraft units must modernize to provide more reliable cross-strait lift options to the PLA”. Moreover, PLAA coastal defense landing craft are likely optimized for delivering forces to the shore rather than deploying amphibious armored vehicles on the sea. China has also been experimenting with using its civilian merchant fleet to provide further sealift PLA forces, including Type-05 amphibious armored vehicles, but the use of civilian vessels would very likely create additional challenges for the PLA.

This imbalance between the supply of sealift and demand for sealift by these amphibious vehicles might describe why the Chinese are experimenting with civilian RO-RO vessels launching amphibious ships from some distance away from the shore.  

Thanks for reading, and for your comments!

Taiwan Invasion: What is everyone else saying and why? – part 1

In our internal discussions, even though several of us could only find the means for China to lift 20,000 to 30,000 troops to Taiwan in the first wave, there was always people quoting from a range of sources that were saying something far different (see: The Chinese amphibious lift capacity – The Dupuy Institute). Who were those sources, what were they saying and why were they saying that? We are looking to 20-30K in a first wave, these guys are claiming hundreds of thousands or more. So what is the difference?

First: There was a 2,000,000 invasion force projected by writers for USNWC back in 2001.  Big difference between 2 million and 20K. 

To quote (my bolding):

“China has a large merchant fleet, with an enormous capacity for personnel and cargo. Its fifty naval amphibious ships and between two hundred and 350 landing craft, however, would be utterly unable to carry the entire combined-arms force. …

Extract of text is here:

The critical argument is here:

Meanwhile, the Chinese merchant fleet could be transporting upward to two million troops, in regular passenger ships and on cargo vessels temporarily adapted for troops…

They do footnote this last claim:

So basically they state that:

  1. There are 50 amphibious transports ships. We currently count 46 but are otherwise in agreement: The load on PLA Navy Amphibious Assault Ships – The Dupuy Institute
  2. There are 200 to 350 landing craft. This was written in 2001. The PLA have let this force decay and degrade, which I think is telling. We currently count 99: Other Chinese landing craft – The Dupuy Institute
  3. And then they get to 2 million by counting the entire Chinese merchant fleet as first wave amphibious assets (actually they don’t say that, it is only implied). We have discussed this: The RoRo Ships – The Dupuy Institute. Needless to say, there are some problems with this concept:
    1. They are not first wave assets.
    2. Gathering this fleet together would give Taiwan weeks if not months of notice.
      1. And of course, in the meantime it will kill their trade and therefore their economy while doing this.
    3. They would need a port or some kind of dock to unload at, which might be a challenge in a hostile combat environment.
      1. Especially if these ports are well defended and,
      2. if there is a plan in place to ensure these ports are not usable if captured.

I really don’t take this claim seriously. Counting the entire Chinese commercial fleet as an amphibious asset is a reach, to say the least. 

PLA Rocket Force

The following article is from Alexandru Filip of the Canadian Center for Strategic Studies: 

——

During our discussion sessions on 13 and 27 November on the topic of Taiwan, a further exchanged developed regarding the People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force’s significant missile stocks and the effects it may have in a war.

While there is a vast amount of research and data on this topic, transposing these predictions to Taiwan would perhaps require a greater simulation which can account for the complexities of the relationship between A2/AD systems, the aerial systems in use (whether it is an aircraft or missile), and the targets on the ground.

Before a deeper dive (which will follow in further blog posts), we should propose a basis of general principles derived from previous incidents. While these can serve to create guiding assumptions of how this phase of operations may unfold, when simulated, it is indeed possible that we find differences between the Taiwanese situation and historical precedent.

These principles:

-Despite a marked superiority in both quality and quantity of air assets, gaining air superiority will not be a simple task; it will require planning, and a significant number of assets for the People’s Liberation Army Air Force. As evidenced by Russia’s war in Ukraine, in which the Russian Air Force has struggled to holds air superiority over more than just certain portions of Ukraine.

-PLAAF air superiority efforts can be blunted by Ground-Based-Air-Defense led interdiction. As we have seen in Vietnam, where many of U.S. combat losses were caused by AAA fire, and SAMs.

-Taiwan should endeavor to replicate the relative success of Serbian Air Defense Forces against NATO, in Kosovo. The mountainous terrain, and the densely forested areas provide ample opportunity for dispersing, and camouflaging air-to-ground assets so as to hamper PLAAF attempts at conducting Suppression of Enemy Air Defense missions. The outcome in Kosovo was that: “NATO reportedly fired 743 HARMs during the course of the 78-day campaign, but could confirm the destruction of only three of the original 25 SA-6 batteries. At the same time, over 800 SAMs were fired by Yugoslav forces at NATO aircraft, including 477 SA-6s and 124 confirmed MANPADS, for the downing of only two aircraft and several more damaged.

-Air power and missile strikes will similarly not be capable of degrading Taiwanese ground assets or air assets to the point of ineffectiveness. Robert Pape’s “Bombing to Win” demonstrates that, in the Gulf War, despite overwhelming air superiority and an extended air campaign a combined air effort did not coerce Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. While it did attrit Iraqi armour, it did not render Iraqi forces entirely ineffective, and a ground invasion was still necessary.

-Dispersal of air assets into hardened shelters, which obscure the aircraft from satellite imagery, the use of decoys, underground hangars, and a raising of the air force to prevent destruction on the ground during a missile salvo would all raise the cost for the PLA Rocket Forces. This will also have the effect of forcing the PLA to dedicate further strike capability to targets on the ground. The ROCAF will still suffer damage. Yet, just as in Ukraine losses on the ground can be prevented even against an enemy which yields a significant strike capability.

-The destruction of runways, while easily repaired under relatively peaceful conditions (as was the case in Israel after the Iranian strike), will be more difficult under constant PLA strikes. Thus, the ROCAF will likely shift to road-based runways (as they have trained to do), and aircraft armed with air-superiority loadouts (lighter) will require shorter segments of runway.

-The PLA Rocket Force is likely to focus strike assets on population centers, with the aim of attracting Taiwanese air defense assets towards the protection of civilians. Just as we have seen in Ukraine, this in itself is a costly and complex endeavor which threatens to rapidly deplete missile stocks. Yet, just as in Ukraine, it may not be enough to break Taiwanese will, especially as a majority have claimed they are prepared to defend Taiwan.

A DF-11 (source: DF-11 | Weaponsystems.net).


More to come.

The Structure of the Chinese Armed Forces

A blog post on a potential Taiwan invasion from Geoffrey Clark:


The HAAC 2024 in October was great; lots of good analysts and analysis, presentations, and ideas for future work and collaboration. I’ll post the links to the two presentations that I gave here:

Data for Air Combat Modeling in Network Centric Warfare

A Naval Power Index: The United States vs Three Competitors

On November 13 and 27 2024, the HAAC community had meetings on the topic of Taiwan, regarding the sealift and airlift capabilities of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). At these meetings, there were some differences of opinion about who much force the Chinese can place ashore, and also support. I’ll review some information that I’ve been assembling on this topic in this blog post.

Rather than using “PRC”, it might seem more natural to use People’s Liberation Army (PLA), by which they really mean “military”, since the Navy, Air Force, Rocket Force etc. all fall under this banner. This is insufficient, however, since there are several other organizations, and categories of equipment that need to be considered to cover all categories of lift capability that are available to the Chinese nation. We hear the U.S. government use terms like “whole of government”, but in reality, it also includes elements of the private sector as well. This is analogous to the U.S. structures, like the Merchant Marine, and the Civil Reserve Air Fleet (CRAF).

The Swiss Institute on Global Affairs has a good structure chart of the Chinese Military, even if it is a bit dated from 2021. The China Power Project from CSIS also has a good chart from 2022. The most recent change detected is the new “Information Support Force”, which seems like an Information Technology (IT) unit than anything else.

The Chinese Military’s New Information Support Force

CNA, Annette Lee and James Bellacqua | Friday, August 2, 2024

This image above is taken from Chinese Amphibious Warfare: Prospects for a Cross-Strait Invasion. From this analysis, the following forces and elements should be considered at a minimum:

  1. PLA Navy (PLAN) – many amphibious vessels, including a growing fleet of large Amphibious General Assault Ships (LHA), Amphibious Transport, Dock (LPD) among many other smaller ships and craft.
  2. PLA Navy Marine Corps (PLANMC) – amphibious troops subordinate to the Navy.
  3. PLA Army (PLAA) – the ground forces maintain their own troops trained and tasked with amphibious operations. They have their own separate fleet of landing ships.
  4. China Coast Guard (CCG) – the world’s largest coast guard force.
  5. Maritime Militia – the so-called “Third Sea Force”.
  6. PLA Air Force (PLAAF) – Airborne Brigades and Transport aircraft to drop them.
  7. Special Forces (SOF) – These troops are part of other organizations – PLAN, PLAAF, PLAA, and People’s Armed Police (PAP), are trained and capable for helicopter borne operations, as well as several non-traditional transport means.
  8. PLA Joint Logistics Support Force (PLAJLSF) –

With modernization reforms in 2016 by Xi [Jinping], the CMC [Central Military Commission] established Logistics Support department, and a new branch known as Joint Logistic Support Force, responsible for integrating C4ISR (command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance) system, providing the foundation for a joint logistics support network.” – blog post by Bok Lee (see sources below)

  1. Civilian Ships intended to transport PLA/PLAN troops – significant news on the requirements to equip Roll-on / Roll-off (RO/RO) ferries with strengthened stern ramps (and other modifications) for compatibility with military amphibious equipment.

Indeed, the pace at which Chinese shipyards are producing new civilian RO/RO vessels has increased significantly. From a China Power Project Report “China Accelerates Construction of ‘Ro-Ro’ Vessels, with Potential Military Implications” from 2023 October,

CSC Jinling Shipyard (招商局金陵船舶(南京)有限公司) far outpaces other ro-ro builders. Nestled along the Yangtze River near Nanjing, Jinling Shipyard specializes in producing ro-ros. It built at least 27 of them between 2015 and 2022, and it is currently poised to deliver as many as 56 from 2023 to 2026.

This cooperation between civilian ferry operators, shipyards and the PLA is not new, and not isolated. This is part of the Military-Civil Fusion strategy, which is well described below.

“Military-Civil Fusion (MCF), this term seems like a counterpart to the American term civil-military integration (CMI), but in reality it is far deeper and more complex. Whereas, according to the U.S. Congressional Office of Technology Assessment, America’s CMI is “cooperation between government and commercial facilities in research and development (R&D), manufacturing, and/or maintenance operations”, China’s Military-Civil Fusion strategy is a state-led, state-directed program and plan to leverage all levers of state and commercial power to strengthen and support the armed wing of the Communist Party of China, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).” – from CASI’s China’s Military-Civil Fusion Strategy (see sources below).

What was perhaps the most enlightening aspect of this survey of research was a paper written by Lyle Goldstein, former professor at the U.S. Naval War College, and also a contributor to CMSI (see sources below). In his paper “The hard school of amphibious warfare: examining the lessons of the 20th century’s major amphibious campaigns for contemporary Chinese strategy”, Goldstein details the research done by the PLA Academy of Military Science, which is tasked with the study of military history and developing military doctrine. From Gallipoli to Normandy, Crete, Norway, the Japanese in the Pacific War to the Inchon landings, as well as the aborted “Operation Sea Lion”, this paper lists the many amphibious and airborne campaigns they have studied, and the points that they have noted as significant. 

WW2, and Normandy in particular, provide Chinese strategists with ample inspiration, ranging from the Mulberries to airborne operations. Yet, the fact that Chinese military researchers have gone well beyond Normandy to explore the contours of Dieppe, the Norway campaign, Crete, as well as Guadalcanal and Tarawa, illustrates 12 L. GOLDSTEIN the comprehensive scope of the Chinese endeavor to learn from foreign military experience. The impressively objective account of the Inchon landing demonstrates that Chinese strategists are quite able to put ideology aside in the interest of grasping the fundamentals of well executed amphibious warfare.

The abstract of this paper is below.

Increasing tensions across the Taiwan Strait have prompted many strategists to debate the nature of China’s amphibious warfare capabilities. While it is often noted that Beijing’s armed forces lack major, recent experience in that domain, this research reveals that Chinese strategists have undertaken intensive and systematic investigation of foreign experiences, including with respect to the most classic cases, such as the Normandy invasion. This study represents a first attempt to survey such Chinese strategic writings, in an effort to better understand the lessons that Chinese strategists take from these foreign campaigns. Themes that emerge from this Chinese literature include an emphasis on undersea warfare capabilities as a critical enabler for amphibious invasion, but an even greater prominence for air supremacy. The most persistent theme in this Chinese literature surrounds intelligence preparation, deception and, above all, surprise. Such findings have important policy implications for Asian security.

This paper also lists some actual experience by the PLA in amphibious operations, specifically the Jinmen and Yijiangshan battles. “The former turned out to be a disastrous bloodbath for the PLA, but the later amphibious landing proved remarkably successful, featuring massive firepower, excellent mutual support among the air, land and sea elements, timely coordination, and even meteorological innovation.

One case from the 20th century that was not mentioned as having been studied is Operation Dynamo, the evacuation of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) from Dunkirk in May and June of 1940. While this was a hastily organized evacuation with an ad-hoc and patriotic appeal to the British ship-owning population, a similar planning effort under the banner of “Military-Civilian Fusion”, as noted above, could find that the actual sealift capabilities employed to be more of an uncomfortable surprise.

These are some of the excellent scholarly works available that I would consider authoritative on this topic:

Thanks for reading and for your comments!